# content
On May 10, 2022, I published an article on this page under the headline “John Fetterman Will Punch You in the Mouth!” I meant it as tribute. I called him “what a Democrat used to be,” a man “of the land, against the elite power, for the common good,” and I welcomed him into my invented fraternity of “Big Uglies,” the large, plain, unpressed men who do the country’s heavy carrying. The year before, on my Human Meme podcast, in an episode called “The Great White Bridge as Throughline,” I had floated him as a future Democratic President, with Keisha Lance Bottoms standing as his second. I believed the hoodie. I believed the shorts, the goatee, the 6’8″ frame, the tattooed forearms, the whole costume of the steel-town avenger who, I assured you, “suffers no fools.” Four years later I am here to take it back, in public, at length, because the recantation is owed, and because the autopsy of my error teaches more than the error did.

Three days after I published, on the morning of Friday, May 13, 2022, John Fetterman walked out of a Sheetz restroom in Lancaster County feeling wrong. He climbed into the car with his wife, Gisele, headed for a campaign stop at Millersville University, and she looked over and saw the corner of his mouth droop for a second or two. She had once watched a public service announcement about strokes, and it had stayed with her, and she told the state trooper at the wheel that her husband was having one and to get to a hospital now. He argued. She won. At Lancaster General, doctors pulled a blood clot out of his brain, a clot thrown off by a heart that had been beating wrong for years, and Fetterman himself has said that in a different place or at a different hour the stroke would have killed him, or at minimum wrecked him far beyond where he landed. My headline had promised you his mouth. The stroke reached the mouth first.

I owe a smaller correction inside the larger one. On May 15, when his campaign announced the stroke, I appended an update to my article saying John had the stroke “the day this article was published.” The date was wrong: his stroke came on the 13th, three days after my piece, and I wrote my note in the fog of a Sunday announcement about a Friday event and never went back to repair it. A recantation that leaves a bad date standing is a confession with its fingers crossed, so let the record read clean: May 10 for my praise, May 13 for his clot, May 15 for the world to learn of it, and May 17, primary day, when surgeons wired a pacemaker and defibrillator into his chest while he won the nomination by more than thirty points from a hospital bed, marking an emergency absentee ballot for himself and promising, on his release, to get to full speed and flip the seat blue.

The defibrillator tells its own story about the man I mispraised. In 2017, after his feet swelled, a Pittsburgh cardiologist named Ramesh Chandra diagnosed him with atrial fibrillation, prescribed medication, ordered changes to his diet, and asked to see him again. In the letter Dr. Chandra released after the stroke, he reported that his patient took none of the medication and saw no doctor of any kind for five years. Cardiomyopathy grew in the dark of that refusal, the condition that can drop a man dead without warning, and the clot that traveled to his brain in May of 2022 was the bill for half a decade of unanswered mail from his own heart. I had written a hymn to his toughness, and that toughness, examined, was a man refusing to hear the one report that mattered, and I should have understood that a politics of the clenched fist often comes wrapped around a body governed by the same refusals.

The general election should have taught me. Donald Trump stood in Wilkes-Barre and told a crowd that Fetterman took heroin, cocaine, crystal meth, and fentanyl, a lie so lurid it clarified the stakes, and the Oz campaign spent the fall winking at a stroke survivor’s halting speech. In the one debate, Fetterman answered through closed captioning, tangled his sentences, and frightened his own donors, and the commentators who questioned his fitness were treated by my side, my side then, as bigots kicking a wounded man. He carried the state by five points anyway, and whether Pennsylvania chose right that night is a question this recantation is honest enough to leave open, because the choice on offer was a damaged man against a television surgeon, and the country keeps printing ballots like that.

What came next he has now told us himself, in a memoir called Unfettered, published in November of 2025, and the telling is braver than anything I praised him for in 2022. After the victory, the depression that had stalked him since the stroke closed over his head. Gisele told him he could not come home until he was himself again, because the weight on their three children had grown too great, and so a newly elected senator of the United States moved into his parents’ basement in York, into the room where he had slept as a teenager, because, in his words, he had nowhere else to go. On February 15, 2023, six weeks into his term, he was admitted to Walter Reed, diagnosed with severe depression, and kept for six weeks, and in the book he writes that the disease nearly drove him to suicide and that, in hindsight, he should have quit the race. Five words from a sitting senator, I should have quit, and the five words explain more of what followed than any roll call. A man who concludes that the office cost him more than it was worth holds the office differently afterward. He holds it the way you hold a settlement.

The recantation must now turn on me and my kind, because the evidence of who John Fetterman was sat in plain sight while I typed my valentine. He tweeted in April of 2016 that he had started a progressive movement in Pennsylvania, and he wore the label happily in 2016, 2018, and 2020, and then, in the 2022 primary, with the movement’s canvassers knocking doors for him, he began telling interviewers he was just a Democrat. He told Jewish Insider that same year that on Israel he would always lean in, and that he did not count himself a progressive in that sense. In January of 2013, as mayor of Braddock, he heard what he took for gunfire, chased down an unarmed Black jogger named Christopher Miyares, and detained him with a shotgun until police arrived; Miyares said the barrel was aimed at his chest, Fetterman denied pointing it, and he has declined, to this day, to apologize. The left knew all of it in 2022 and swallowed all of it, because we wanted the fists more than we wanted the file, and I swallowed hardest of all, on this page. The mayor of Braddock earned $150 a month while his parents in York funded his life deep into his forties, and we saw a workingman where the file showed a squire performing one, with a Harvard degree in the drawer, and the file lay open to anyone whose crush permitted reading.

The flat words came in December of 2023, nineteen months after the stroke and eight months out of Walter Reed, when he told NBC News, “I’m not a progressive,” and described himself as a Democrat committed to abortion rights who would stand on what he called the right side of Israel and who wanted immigration addressed. His chief of staff at the time, Adam Jentleson, defended the consistency, saying the senator had spent the whole campaign telling people he was no down-the-line lefty. Five months after mounting that defense, and weeks after resigning, Jentleson wrote a different kind of document, an email to Dr. David Williamson, the Walter Reed neuropsychiatrist who had overseen the senator’s care, warning that his former boss was on a bad trajectory, appeared to be off his recovery plan, might have stopped his medication, was skipping checkups, had bought a gun, was driving at speed while texting and reading articles behind the wheel, and was showing conspiratorial thinking alongside what the letter called megalomania. The letter surfaced a year later in New York magazine, a leak I condemn and quote in the same breath, which is the standard hypocrisy of my trade, admitted here so no reader catches me at it, and Fetterman waved the reporting away as a hit piece from the left, built on one source. Three of his top spokespeople and his legislative director had already walked out the door.

Between the declaration and the letter and since, the record has piled up like weather. He signed on as the first Democratic sponsor of the Laken Riley Act. He allowed that acquiring Greenland was worth discussing. In January of 2025 he became the first sitting Democratic senator to visit Mar-a-Lago after the election, an hour at the table with Gisele beside him, and the host, the man who had told that Wilkes-Barre crowd that Fetterman took fentanyl, came away purring that the senator was a commonsense person, neither liberal nor conservative, and that the meeting was fascinating. They discussed U.S. Steel, Israel, the border, and Greenland. That same week Fetterman dined with Dave McCormick, the Republican who had just taken Pennsylvania’s other seat, and by this summer the two were running a joint fundraising committee, which Fetterman described as nothing sinister. He still votes with his party better than nine times out of ten, and the arithmetic misleads, because the votes are the body and the symbols are the soul, and every symbol he has flown for three years, the flags, the visits, the bookings, the scoldings, has flown in one direction.

And now the summer of 2026, where this recantation finds him. His heart misfired again in November, ventricular fibrillation this time, and a fall bloodied his face, and the body kept sending its mail. A Quinnipiac survey in July put his approval among Pennsylvania Democrats at 19 percent against 69 percent disapproval, while 77 percent of Pennsylvania Republicans approve of him, an inversion I cannot find a precedent for in a senator still carrying the D. The Working Families Party, which backed his 2022 run, now operates a website called PrimaryFetterman.com, with opposition research, volunteer sign-ups, and a page where his old donors can request their money back. A refund page is a new invention in American politics: loyalty asking for a receipt, devotion petitioning to be unwound. In July he named, for the first time, the price of his leaving: if the Democratic Party writes opposition to Israel into its official platform, he will formally switch his registration, to independent, he says, never to Republican, since by his own accounting the Republicans hold no room for a pro-choice, pro-union, pro-gay-rights man. At the end of July he told Meet the Press, once more, “I am a Democrat,” while explaining that he no longer believes his party is pro-Israel, and John Thune stood in the doorway saying the Republicans would welcome him, and Chuck Schumer praised him as a member of a big tent, and Fetterman thanked the leader kindly and wondered aloud whether the tent had room for men like him. He has pledged to be the last man standing in his party for Israel, called the mayor of New York worthless, and pronounced himself proud to remain his party’s conscience.

Which brings me to the question I have been circling since I sat down to recant: where does loyalty go when it disappears this slowly and this suddenly in a man? Hemingway’s Mike Campbell answered it for bankruptcy, gradually and then suddenly, and political loyalty obeys the bankruptcy schedule. My answer, after four years of watching, is that Fetterman’s loyalties were always vertical, and a party can only spend the horizontal kind. Vertical loyalty runs to persons and to the dead. He carries Braddock’s zip code, 15104, inked on his left forearm, and down his right forearm run the dates, one for each person killed in Braddock while he was its mayor, a ledger a man chooses to wear in his skin. He kept a promise to a dying mother in the Big Brothers program for fifteen years, until her son graduated from college, and that story was the best thing in my 2022 article because it was the truest. Gisele holds his deepest loyalty, and she has earned it, having saved his life at least twice, once in a car and once by barring a door. Horizontal loyalty, the kind owed to a coalition of the arguing living, to people you do not love and must still stand beside, he never carried, and I mistook the vehicle he was riding for a vow he had taken. Parties are horizontal machines. They run on members who will lose a vote on Tuesday and knock doors for the winner on Saturday, and nothing in his history, from the one-man mayoralty to the one-man Senate office bleeding staff, shows an hour of that discipline.

And yet the man of 2016 called himself a progressive with his whole chest, so something did change, and honesty requires me to date it. The stroke did what nearly dying does: it reordered the ledger. Depression then did what depression does: it burned off the discretionary attachments and left the load-bearing ones, the wife, the children, the dead on his forearm, the conviction about Israel that his own staff dates to his graduate school years. When he came back from Walter Reed, the discretionary tier, where party loyalty lives, stood vacant, and grievance poured into the vacancy, and the grievance had suppliers: a coalition that spent the closing days of October 2022 debating his fitness within his hearing, a former chief of staff whose psychiatric warning letter about him ended up in a national magazine, canvassers from 2022 now running a website that invites his donors to claw their money back. Betrayal received rewires the loyalty owed, and a map of that rewiring is what I can offer here, with the excuses left to him.

The best figure for it sits in his own chest. A cardiologist diagnosed the trouble in 2017 and prescribed the remedy, and for five years the patient took nothing and answered no follow-up, until the untreated rhythm threw a clot. The Democratic Party and John Fetterman diagnosed each other early, too. He told them, across the whole 2022 primary, in his own words, what he was and what he believed, and the party heard the hoodie instead. The party showed him, in the panic after the debate, how conditional its embrace could run, and he heard that clearly and forgot nothing. Both sides skipped five years of appointments. Loyalty goes untreated long before it goes missing, beat by irregular beat, until one morning it throws its clot, and everyone gathers around the collapse asking how anything so sudden could happen to anyone so strong.

A caution before I close the case, because there is a trap in this analysis and I intend to walk around it in full view. Blaming a man’s votes on his lesion is the maneuver the Oz campaign ran in 2022, and I condemned it then and condemn it now. Strokes have no party. Depression endorses no platform. Millions of survivors return with a changed gait and an unchanged creed, and any writer who reads a ballot in a brain scan has stopped writing and started phrenology. My claim stays narrow: the stroke opened a sequence, near-death, then depression, then a basement in York, then a public that debated his brain like a ballot question, and the sequence dissolved ordinary attachments, and politics lives downstream of attachment. He made the change-claim first, in his own memoir, on his own terms. Quoting a man’s book back to him is called reading, and he invited it the day he published.

This page has carried the motto Liberal Mindset; Conservative Morality for four decades, and my Fetterman valentine honored neither half: the mindset skipped the file, and the morality skipped the follow-up, until now. So here is the recantation, itemized. The prophecy goes first: he will never be President, and my 2021 ticket reads today like a message in a bottle from a country that no longer exists. Next, the reading of the body: I saw a fighter’s frame and inferred a fighter’s cause, and a frame proves nothing about a cause. Last and largest, the genre: I wrote a political crush and formatted it as analysis, and the tell sat in my own title, which promised readers a proxy, a large man hired by our imaginations to do our punching for us. A citizen who outsources his fight to a body will eventually watch that body freelance. And I recant my worst sentence separately, the cheerful update of May 15, 2022, promising that my friend would still punch you in the mouth from his hospital bed, a joke I wrote about a man whose mouth had just failed him in a moving car, before I understood the room I was joking in.

He remains, for now, a Democrat, by his own insistence, holding the label the way he once held that shotgun on a jogger, certain of the threat and wrong about the target. His exit now has a named price, and named prices get paid. When the switch comes, if it comes, the papers will call it sudden, and it will have taken four years, or nine, or, if you count from a diagnosis nobody treated, longer than that. On a Friday morning in May of 2022, three days after I promised you his mouth, the woman who loves him most looked across a car and watched the corner of that mouth drop for a second or two, and she alone understood what she was seeing. The rest of us have spent four years catching up to Gisele Fetterman, learning to recognize the fight going out of one side of a face, so slowly that nobody notices, and then all at once.

# contentMap.en
On May 10, 2022, I published an article on this page under the headline “John Fetterman Will Punch You in the Mouth!” I meant it as tribute. I called him “what a Democrat used to be,” a man “of the land, against the elite power, for the common good,” and I welcomed him into my invented fraternity of “Big Uglies,” the large, plain, unpressed men who do the country’s heavy carrying. The year before, on my Human Meme podcast, in an episode called “The Great White Bridge as Throughline,” I had floated him as a future Democratic President, with Keisha Lance Bottoms standing as his second. I believed the hoodie. I believed the shorts, the goatee, the 6’8″ frame, the tattooed forearms, the whole costume of the steel-town avenger who, I assured you, “suffers no fools.” Four years later I am here to take it back, in public, at length, because the recantation is owed, and because the autopsy of my error teaches more than the error did.

Three days after I published, on the morning of Friday, May 13, 2022, John Fetterman walked out of a Sheetz restroom in Lancaster County feeling wrong. He climbed into the car with his wife, Gisele, headed for a campaign stop at Millersville University, and she looked over and saw the corner of his mouth droop for a second or two. She had once watched a public service announcement about strokes, and it had stayed with her, and she told the state trooper at the wheel that her husband was having one and to get to a hospital now. He argued. She won. At Lancaster General, doctors pulled a blood clot out of his brain, a clot thrown off by a heart that had been beating wrong for years, and Fetterman himself has said that in a different place or at a different hour the stroke would have killed him, or at minimum wrecked him far beyond where he landed. My headline had promised you his mouth. The stroke reached the mouth first.

I owe a smaller correction inside the larger one. On May 15, when his campaign announced the stroke, I appended an update to my article saying John had the stroke “the day this article was published.” The date was wrong: his stroke came on the 13th, three days after my piece, and I wrote my note in the fog of a Sunday announcement about a Friday event and never went back to repair it. A recantation that leaves a bad date standing is a confession with its fingers crossed, so let the record read clean: May 10 for my praise, May 13 for his clot, May 15 for the world to learn of it, and May 17, primary day, when surgeons wired a pacemaker and defibrillator into his chest while he won the nomination by more than thirty points from a hospital bed, marking an emergency absentee ballot for himself and promising, on his release, to get to full speed and flip the seat blue.

The defibrillator tells its own story about the man I mispraised. In 2017, after his feet swelled, a Pittsburgh cardiologist named Ramesh Chandra diagnosed him with atrial fibrillation, prescribed medication, ordered changes to his diet, and asked to see him again. In the letter Dr. Chandra released after the stroke, he reported that his patient took none of the medication and saw no doctor of any kind for five years. Cardiomyopathy grew in the dark of that refusal, the condition that can drop a man dead without warning, and the clot that traveled to his brain in May of 2022 was the bill for half a decade of unanswered mail from his own heart. I had written a hymn to his toughness, and that toughness, examined, was a man refusing to hear the one report that mattered, and I should have understood that a politics of the clenched fist often comes wrapped around a body governed by the same refusals.

The general election should have taught me. Donald Trump stood in Wilkes-Barre and told a crowd that Fetterman took heroin, cocaine, crystal meth, and fentanyl, a lie so lurid it clarified the stakes, and the Oz campaign spent the fall winking at a stroke survivor’s halting speech. In the one debate, Fetterman answered through closed captioning, tangled his sentences, and frightened his own donors, and the commentators who questioned his fitness were treated by my side, my side then, as bigots kicking a wounded man. He carried the state by five points anyway, and whether Pennsylvania chose right that night is a question this recantation is honest enough to leave open, because the choice on offer was a damaged man against a television surgeon, and the country keeps printing ballots like that.

What came next he has now told us himself, in a memoir called Unfettered, published in November of 2025, and the telling is braver than anything I praised him for in 2022. After the victory, the depression that had stalked him since the stroke closed over his head. Gisele told him he could not come home until he was himself again, because the weight on their three children had grown too great, and so a newly elected senator of the United States moved into his parents’ basement in York, into the room where he had slept as a teenager, because, in his words, he had nowhere else to go. On February 15, 2023, six weeks into his term, he was admitted to Walter Reed, diagnosed with severe depression, and kept for six weeks, and in the book he writes that the disease nearly drove him to suicide and that, in hindsight, he should have quit the race. Five words from a sitting senator, I should have quit, and the five words explain more of what followed than any roll call. A man who concludes that the office cost him more than it was worth holds the office differently afterward. He holds it the way you hold a settlement.

The recantation must now turn on me and my kind, because the evidence of who John Fetterman was sat in plain sight while I typed my valentine. He tweeted in April of 2016 that he had started a progressive movement in Pennsylvania, and he wore the label happily in 2016, 2018, and 2020, and then, in the 2022 primary, with the movement’s canvassers knocking doors for him, he began telling interviewers he was just a Democrat. He told Jewish Insider that same year that on Israel he would always lean in, and that he did not count himself a progressive in that sense. In January of 2013, as mayor of Braddock, he heard what he took for gunfire, chased down an unarmed Black jogger named Christopher Miyares, and detained him with a shotgun until police arrived; Miyares said the barrel was aimed at his chest, Fetterman denied pointing it, and he has declined, to this day, to apologize. The left knew all of it in 2022 and swallowed all of it, because we wanted the fists more than we wanted the file, and I swallowed hardest of all, on this page. The mayor of Braddock earned $150 a month while his parents in York funded his life deep into his forties, and we saw a workingman where the file showed a squire performing one, with a Harvard degree in the drawer, and the file lay open to anyone whose crush permitted reading.

The flat words came in December of 2023, nineteen months after the stroke and eight months out of Walter Reed, when he told NBC News, “I’m not a progressive,” and described himself as a Democrat committed to abortion rights who would stand on what he called the right side of Israel and who wanted immigration addressed. His chief of staff at the time, Adam Jentleson, defended the consistency, saying the senator had spent the whole campaign telling people he was no down-the-line lefty. Five months after mounting that defense, and weeks after resigning, Jentleson wrote a different kind of document, an email to Dr. David Williamson, the Walter Reed neuropsychiatrist who had overseen the senator’s care, warning that his former boss was on a bad trajectory, appeared to be off his recovery plan, might have stopped his medication, was skipping checkups, had bought a gun, was driving at speed while texting and reading articles behind the wheel, and was showing conspiratorial thinking alongside what the letter called megalomania. The letter surfaced a year later in New York magazine, a leak I condemn and quote in the same breath, which is the standard hypocrisy of my trade, admitted here so no reader catches me at it, and Fetterman waved the reporting away as a hit piece from the left, built on one source. Three of his top spokespeople and his legislative director had already walked out the door.

Between the declaration and the letter and since, the record has piled up like weather. He signed on as the first Democratic sponsor of the Laken Riley Act. He allowed that acquiring Greenland was worth discussing. In January of 2025 he became the first sitting Democratic senator to visit Mar-a-Lago after the election, an hour at the table with Gisele beside him, and the host, the man who had told that Wilkes-Barre crowd that Fetterman took fentanyl, came away purring that the senator was a commonsense person, neither liberal nor conservative, and that the meeting was fascinating. They discussed U.S. Steel, Israel, the border, and Greenland. That same week Fetterman dined with Dave McCormick, the Republican who had just taken Pennsylvania’s other seat, and by this summer the two were running a joint fundraising committee, which Fetterman described as nothing sinister. He still votes with his party better than nine times out of ten, and the arithmetic misleads, because the votes are the body and the symbols are the soul, and every symbol he has flown for three years, the flags, the visits, the bookings, the scoldings, has flown in one direction.

And now the summer of 2026, where this recantation finds him. His heart misfired again in November, ventricular fibrillation this time, and a fall bloodied his face, and the body kept sending its mail. A Quinnipiac survey in July put his approval among Pennsylvania Democrats at 19 percent against 69 percent disapproval, while 77 percent of Pennsylvania Republicans approve of him, an inversion I cannot find a precedent for in a senator still carrying the D. The Working Families Party, which backed his 2022 run, now operates a website called PrimaryFetterman.com, with opposition research, volunteer sign-ups, and a page where his old donors can request their money back. A refund page is a new invention in American politics: loyalty asking for a receipt, devotion petitioning to be unwound. In July he named, for the first time, the price of his leaving: if the Democratic Party writes opposition to Israel into its official platform, he will formally switch his registration, to independent, he says, never to Republican, since by his own accounting the Republicans hold no room for a pro-choice, pro-union, pro-gay-rights man. At the end of July he told Meet the Press, once more, “I am a Democrat,” while explaining that he no longer believes his party is pro-Israel, and John Thune stood in the doorway saying the Republicans would welcome him, and Chuck Schumer praised him as a member of a big tent, and Fetterman thanked the leader kindly and wondered aloud whether the tent had room for men like him. He has pledged to be the last man standing in his party for Israel, called the mayor of New York worthless, and pronounced himself proud to remain his party’s conscience.

Which brings me to the question I have been circling since I sat down to recant: where does loyalty go when it disappears this slowly and this suddenly in a man? Hemingway’s Mike Campbell answered it for bankruptcy, gradually and then suddenly, and political loyalty obeys the bankruptcy schedule. My answer, after four years of watching, is that Fetterman’s loyalties were always vertical, and a party can only spend the horizontal kind. Vertical loyalty runs to persons and to the dead. He carries Braddock’s zip code, 15104, inked on his left forearm, and down his right forearm run the dates, one for each person killed in Braddock while he was its mayor, a ledger a man chooses to wear in his skin. He kept a promise to a dying mother in the Big Brothers program for fifteen years, until her son graduated from college, and that story was the best thing in my 2022 article because it was the truest. Gisele holds his deepest loyalty, and she has earned it, having saved his life at least twice, once in a car and once by barring a door. Horizontal loyalty, the kind owed to a coalition of the arguing living, to people you do not love and must still stand beside, he never carried, and I mistook the vehicle he was riding for a vow he had taken. Parties are horizontal machines. They run on members who will lose a vote on Tuesday and knock doors for the winner on Saturday, and nothing in his history, from the one-man mayoralty to the one-man Senate office bleeding staff, shows an hour of that discipline.

And yet the man of 2016 called himself a progressive with his whole chest, so something did change, and honesty requires me to date it. The stroke did what nearly dying does: it reordered the ledger. Depression then did what depression does: it burned off the discretionary attachments and left the load-bearing ones, the wife, the children, the dead on his forearm, the conviction about Israel that his own staff dates to his graduate school years. When he came back from Walter Reed, the discretionary tier, where party loyalty lives, stood vacant, and grievance poured into the vacancy, and the grievance had suppliers: a coalition that spent the closing days of October 2022 debating his fitness within his hearing, a former chief of staff whose psychiatric warning letter about him ended up in a national magazine, canvassers from 2022 now running a website that invites his donors to claw their money back. Betrayal received rewires the loyalty owed, and a map of that rewiring is what I can offer here, with the excuses left to him.

The best figure for it sits in his own chest. A cardiologist diagnosed the trouble in 2017 and prescribed the remedy, and for five years the patient took nothing and answered no follow-up, until the untreated rhythm threw a clot. The Democratic Party and John Fetterman diagnosed each other early, too. He told them, across the whole 2022 primary, in his own words, what he was and what he believed, and the party heard the hoodie instead. The party showed him, in the panic after the debate, how conditional its embrace could run, and he heard that clearly and forgot nothing. Both sides skipped five years of appointments. Loyalty goes untreated long before it goes missing, beat by irregular beat, until one morning it throws its clot, and everyone gathers around the collapse asking how anything so sudden could happen to anyone so strong.

A caution before I close the case, because there is a trap in this analysis and I intend to walk around it in full view. Blaming a man’s votes on his lesion is the maneuver the Oz campaign ran in 2022, and I condemned it then and condemn it now. Strokes have no party. Depression endorses no platform. Millions of survivors return with a changed gait and an unchanged creed, and any writer who reads a ballot in a brain scan has stopped writing and started phrenology. My claim stays narrow: the stroke opened a sequence, near-death, then depression, then a basement in York, then a public that debated his brain like a ballot question, and the sequence dissolved ordinary attachments, and politics lives downstream of attachment. He made the change-claim first, in his own memoir, on his own terms. Quoting a man’s book back to him is called reading, and he invited it the day he published.

This page has carried the motto Liberal Mindset; Conservative Morality for four decades, and my Fetterman valentine honored neither half: the mindset skipped the file, and the morality skipped the follow-up, until now. So here is the recantation, itemized. The prophecy goes first: he will never be President, and my 2021 ticket reads today like a message in a bottle from a country that no longer exists. Next, the reading of the body: I saw a fighter’s frame and inferred a fighter’s cause, and a frame proves nothing about a cause. Last and largest, the genre: I wrote a political crush and formatted it as analysis, and the tell sat in my own title, which promised readers a proxy, a large man hired by our imaginations to do our punching for us. A citizen who outsources his fight to a body will eventually watch that body freelance. And I recant my worst sentence separately, the cheerful update of May 15, 2022, promising that my friend would still punch you in the mouth from his hospital bed, a joke I wrote about a man whose mouth had just failed him in a moving car, before I understood the room I was joking in.

He remains, for now, a Democrat, by his own insistence, holding the label the way he once held that shotgun on a jogger, certain of the threat and wrong about the target. His exit now has a named price, and named prices get paid. When the switch comes, if it comes, the papers will call it sudden, and it will have taken four years, or nine, or, if you count from a diagnosis nobody treated, longer than that. On a Friday morning in May of 2022, three days after I promised you his mouth, the woman who loves him most looked across a car and watched the corner of that mouth drop for a second or two, and she alone understood what she was seeing. The rest of us have spent four years catching up to Gisele Fetterman, learning to recognize the fight going out of one side of a face, so slowly that nobody notices, and then all at once.

# preview.content
On May 10, 2022, I published an article on this page under the headline "John Fetterman Will Punch You in the Mouth!" I meant it as tribute. I called him "what a Democrat used to be," a man "of the land, against the elite power, for the common good," and I welcomed him into my invented fraternity of "Big Uglies," the large, plain, unpressed men who do the country's heavy carrying. The year before, on my Human Meme podcast, in an episode called "The Great White Bridge as Throughline," I had floated him as a future Democratic President, with Keisha Lance Bottoms standing as his second. I believed the hoodie. I believed the shorts, the goatee, the 6'8" frame, the tattooed forearms, the whole costume of the steel-town avenger who, I assured you, "suffers no fools." Four years later I am here to take it back, in public, at length, because the recantation is owed, and because the autopsy of my error teaches more than the error did.

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# summary
On May 10, 2022, I published an article on this page under the headline "John Fetterman Will Punch You in the Mouth!" I meant it as tribute. I called him "what a Democrat used to be," a man "of the land, against the elite power, for the common good," and I welcomed him into my invented fraternity of "Big Uglies," the large, plain, unpressed men who do the country's heavy carrying. The year before, on my Human Meme podcast, in an episode called "The Great White Bridge as Throughline," I had floated him as a future Democratic President, with Keisha Lance Bottoms standing as his second. I believed the hoodie. I believed the shorts, the goatee, the 6'8" frame, the tattooed forearms, the whole costume of the steel-town avenger who, I assured you, "suffers no fools." Four years later I am here to take it back, in public, at length, because the recantation is owed, and because the autopsy of my error teaches more than the error did.

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# summaryMap.en
On May 10, 2022, I published an article on this page under the headline "John Fetterman Will Punch You in the Mouth!" I meant it as tribute. I called him "what a Democrat used to be," a man "of the land, against the elite power, for the common good," and I welcomed him into my invented fraternity of "Big Uglies," the large, plain, unpressed men who do the country's heavy carrying. The year before, on my Human Meme podcast, in an episode called "The Great White Bridge as Throughline," I had floated him as a future Democratic President, with Keisha Lance Bottoms standing as his second. I believed the hoodie. I believed the shorts, the goatee, the 6'8" frame, the tattooed forearms, the whole costume of the steel-town avenger who, I assured you, "suffers no fools." Four years later I am here to take it back, in public, at length, because the recantation is owed, and because the autopsy of my error teaches more than the error did.

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